A month after Washington sanctioned a Brotherhood official in London, Britain has said nothing
The last announced US action against the Muslim Brotherhood came on 23 July, when Treasury designated a UK-resident secretary general. Nothing datable followed in the week to 23 August — a gap in announcements, not necessarily in enforcement.
On 23 July the Office of Foreign Assets Control designated Mahmoud al-Abyari, described by the Treasury as a United Kingdom-based senior Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood leader and Secretary General of the Muslim Brotherhood General Secretariat, together with three further individuals and three entities, for material support to Hamas. Treasury said al-Abyari acted for or on behalf of the Egyptian branch and supported fundraising for the previously sanctioned Filistin Vakfi and Hayat Yolu, and named Indonesia-based Tujah Bulah Global and Gaza-based Madad Palestine Charitable Society as Hamas-created fronts. “The Trump Administration will relentlessly pursue terrorists and those who finance them,” Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said in the release. “Whether operating under the guise of charities, businesses, or underground financial networks, those who enable Hamas will be exposed, sanctioned, and held accountable.” Treasury said the action built on measures of 21 January and 12 March and reflected coordination with the FBI, DEA and Customs and Border Protection.
That is where the confirmed federal record stops. The campaign authorised by Executive Order 14362 opened on 13 January, when the State Department designated the Lebanese Muslim Brotherhood as a Foreign Terrorist Organization and a Specially Designated Global Terrorist and listed its leader Muhammad Fawzi Taqqosh, while Treasury designated the Egyptian and Jordanian chapters as SDGTs only. Secretary of State Marco Rubio called the listings “the opening actions of an ongoing, sustained effort.” On 9 March OFAC added the Sudanese Muslim Brotherhood to the SDN list — organisation established date 1 January 1954 — with State saying it intended a subsequent FTO designation. The distinction most coverage collapses is the legally decisive one: FTO status criminalises material support, SDGT status blocks property without creating that offence. In the week to 23 August no new listing, verdict or decree surfaced with a date.
The European track has the same shape: declarations ahead of instruments. France’s National Assembly voted 157 to 101 on 22 January, after a five-hour debate, for a resolution urging the EU to list the Brotherhood as a terrorist organisation; the text is non-binding, and cited the group’s ban in Jordan and restrictive measures in Egypt, Russia, the UAE and Saudi Arabia. The Dutch House of Representatives adopted a motion in March calling for a national ban on the Brotherhood and affiliated organisations; a motion is not a ban, and no implementing measure has been reported since. An Israeli Ministry for Diaspora Affairs report published in February — a party to the argument, not a neutral tracker — describes European states as maintaining an ambivalent posture with no uniform classification framework, and characterises the movement’s links to Hamas as indirect or inductive.
Assessment: Read the silence carefully. OFAC posts SDN updates that are never separately announced, and several 2026 entries surfaced only in the list itself; a month without a press release is not a month without designations, and anyone asserting a policy pause is describing the podium, not the file. The sharper question is jurisdictional. Washington can list a London resident; it cannot freeze him. Whether HM Treasury’s consolidated list ever mirrors the 23 July action is the test of whether this is an American sanctions programme or an allied policy — and a month of British silence is itself an answer of sorts.