Washington has designated four Brotherhood chapters this year. The jurisdictions where the money sits have not followed
OFAC named a UK-based senior Egyptian Brotherhood figure in July. Nothing in the public record shows any corresponding British action since.
The US sequence is the architecture every European announcement has to be measured against, and unlike the European record it has legal effect. On 13 January the State Department designated the Lebanese Muslim Brotherhood as a Foreign Terrorist Organization and an SDGT, along with its leader Muhammad Fawzi Taqqosh, while Treasury concurrently designated the Egyptian and Jordanian chapters as SDGTs for providing material support to Hamas — taken, State said, “as a first step in support of President Trump’s commitment to eliminate the capabilities and operations of Muslim Brotherhood chapters that pose a threat to the United States as described in Executive Order 14362”, and described as “the opening actions of an ongoing, sustained effort”. State’s Lebanon evidence is the most specific in the sequence: that after 7 October 2023 the LMB reactivated its al-Fajr Forces and fired rockets into northern Israel in coordination with Hizballah and Hamas, and that in July 2025 the Lebanese Army dismantled a covert training camp including LMB and Hamas militants. Sudan’s chapter followed on 9 March.
On 23 July OFAC designated a senior Egyptian Brotherhood official together with three individuals and three entities for supporting Hamas, building on actions of 21 January and 12 March and coordinated with the FBI, DEA and CBP. The official is Mahmoud al-Abyari, described by Treasury as a United Kingdom-based senior EMB leader; State said the designated persons were “all resident outside Egypt” and framed the action against affiliates and Hamas-directed fronts that “use charitable facades and underground networks to disguise and move funds”. Nothing The Files could find indicates any British asset freeze, immigration measure or charity-regulator referral in the two months since. Separately, a figure of more than $560,000 in Hamas-bound cryptocurrency seized by the FBI, announced by the Justice Department on 1 September, is circulating through an opinion column reposted on a user forum; the primary release has not been checked and the Brotherhood framing around it is the columnist’s, not the department’s.
The Jordanian case shows what a designation does and does not reach. Amman banned the Brotherhood in April 2025 and confiscated its assets; on 3–4 May authorities detained several people after breaking up what the Interior Ministry called an unauthorised meeting in Aqaba organised at the direction of former senior Brotherhood figures. Yet the Islamic Action Front, ordered by the Independent Electoral Commission to drop its religious name under the 2022 parties law, simply rebranded: its Shura Council agreed on 26 April to become the Ummah Party, the commission confirmed the change on 29 April, and the renamed party still holds the largest bloc in parliament. The Foundation for Defense of Democracies, a partisan Washington institution on this file, reads the cosmetic option as evidence the government fears the backlash a real ban would bring.
Assessment: Designation is a jurisdictional instrument, and its reach stops at the border of the treasury that issued it. The July tranche is revealing precisely because State volunteered that the targets live abroad: Washington can name a man in Britain, but only Britain can freeze what he holds there. Al-Abyari is the cleanest open reporting lead on this desk, and the silence around him is the finding. Two things to distrust today: the $560,000 crypto figure, whose specificity is what makes it travel, and the causal story itself — Al Jazeera read January’s designations as Washington escalating against Israel’s rivals, State read them as counter-terrorism. Same event, two narratives, neither self-verifying.